Wednesday, October 30, 2019
M4 Differentiated, Learner-Centered Professional Development Essay
M4 Differentiated, Learner-Centered Professional Development - Essay Example There will be a survey that will be carried out at the end of the workshop to evaluate the workshop and to give suggestions for future workshops. There will also be an opportunity within the survey questionnaire for grading certain aspects of the institution in terms of teaching using the Leaning Forward and the Morzanos’ Nine steps. Participants are encouraged to be as honest as possible in their feedback to allow for accurate analysis and note that all the questionnaires shall remain anonymous for the sake of confidentiality. The professional development session will deal with both teachers and students. School administrators by the very nature of their work will also have to collaborate with the teachers and the students in terms of facilitating the means by which feedback is received and analyzed. This is the best practice for making changes and it is the best guide to decision making at all levels whether it is in the classroom or in the boardroom. Data based needs of new teachers can be slightly different from those who have been in the profession in the past because change is dynamic in all fields with the ever-changing work environment, which is influenced by change and technological advances. This has brought differentiation. It is pertinent to note that the teaching profession has many stakeholders with the major two stakeholders being the teacher and the student. The session will be borrowing heavily form Professional developments for professional learning, which is a leader in the area of individual teacher effectiveness. This is an effective and great approach to professional learning, which will translate to better student learning, as it seeks to improve the individual performance of teachers. The entire concept is core to the majority of national edu cation systems and their effectiveness, as this type of strategic approach puts singular emphasis on aligning professional development with teacher
Monday, October 28, 2019
Lobbying in Alcohol Industry Essay Example for Free
Lobbying in Alcohol Industry Essay 1. Alcohol industry in EU The economic role of the alcoholic drinks industry is considerable in many European countries. Alcohol excise duties in the EU15 countries amounted to â‚ ¬25 billion in 2001, excluding sales taxes and other taxes paid within the supply chain – although â‚ ¬1.5 billion is given back to the supply chain through the Common Agricultural Policy. Due to the relative inelasticity of the demand for alcohol, the average tax rates are a much better predictor of a government’s tax revenue than the level of consumption in a country. 1.1 Alcohol and the economy of Europe Europe plays a central role in the global alcohol market, acting as the source of a quarter of the world’s alcohol and over half of the world’s wine production. Trade is even more centred on Europe, with70% of alcohol exports and just under half of the world’s imports involving the European Union (EU). Although the majority of this trade is between EU countries, the trade in alcohol contributes around â‚ ¬9billion to the goods account balance for the EU as a whole. Price differences play more of a role in the level of legitimate cross-border shopping, where individuals legally bring back alcohol with them from cheaper countries. At least 1 in 6 tourists returns from trips abroad with alcoholic drinks, carrying an average of over 2 litres of pure alcohol per person in several countries. The economic role of the alcoholic drinks industry is considerable in many European countries. Alcohol is also associated with a number of jobs, including over three-quarters of a million in drinks production (mainly wine). Further jobs are also related to alcohol elsewhere in the supply chain, e.g. in pubs or shops. However, the size of the industry is not necessarily a good guide to the economic impact of alcohol policies – for example, trends in alcohol consumption show no crude correlation with trends in the number of jobs in associated areas such as hotels, restaurants, and bars, suggesting that the effect of changes in consumption may be relatively weak. A reduction in spending on alcohol would also be expected to free consumer funds to be spent on other areas, with the economic impact depending on the exact nature of the new expenditure. While further research needs to be done on this issue, current evidence from alcohol and other sectors suggests that declining consumption may not necessarily lead to job losses in the economy as a whole. Based on a review of existing studies, the total tangible cost of alcohol to EU society in 2003 was estimated to be â‚ ¬125bn (â‚ ¬79bn-â‚ ¬220bn), equivalent to 1.3% GDP, which is roughly the same value as that found recently for tobacco. The intangible costs show the value people place on pain, suffering and lost life that occurs due to the criminal, social and health harms caused by alcohol. In 2003 these were estimated to be â‚ ¬270bn, with other ways of valuing the same harms producing estimates between â‚ ¬150bn and â‚ ¬760bn. While these estimates consider a number of different areas of human life where alcohol has an impact, there are several further areas where no estimate has been made as it was impossible to obtain data. Similarly, while the estimates take into account the benefits of alcohol to health systems and loss of life (valued intangibly), there is no research that would enable the other social benefits to be evaluated. 1.1 The use of alcohol in Europe The EU is the heaviest drinking region of the world, although the 11 litres of pure alcohol drunk per adult each year is still a substantial fall from a recent peak of 15 litres in the mid-1970s. The last 40 years has also seen a harmonization in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Finland, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. Most Europeans drink alcohol, but 55 million adults (15%) abstain; taking this and unrecorded consumption into account, the consumption per drinker reaches 15 litres per year. Just under half of this alcohol is consumed in the form of beer (44%), with the rest divided between wine (34%) and spirits (23%). Within the EU15, northern and central parts drink mainly beer, while those in southern Europe drink mainly wine (although Spain may be an exception). This is a relatively new phenomenon, with a harmonization visible over the past 40 years in the EU15. Around 40% of drinking occasions in most of the EU15 involve consuming alcohol with the afternoon/evening meal, although those in southern Europe are much more likely to drink with lunch than elsewhere. While the level of daily drinking also shows a northâ€â€south gradient, non-daily frequent consumption (i.e. drinking several times a week but not every day) seems to be more common in central Europe, and there is evidence for a recent harmonization within the EU15. While 266 million adults drink alcohol up to 20g (women) or 40g (men) per day, over 58 million adults (15%) consume above this level, with 20 million of these (6%) drinking at over 40g (women) or 60g per day(men). Looking at addiction rather than drinking levels, we can also estimate that 23 million Europeans (5% of men, 1% of women) are dependent on alcohol in any one year. In every culture ever studied, men are more likely than women to drink at all and to drink more when they do, with the gap greater for riskier behaviour. Although many women give up alcohol when pregnant, a significant number (25%-50%) continue to drink, and some continue to drink to harmful levels. Patterns in drinking behaviour can also be seen for socio-economic status(SES), where those with low SES are less likely to drink alcohol at all. Despite a complex picture for some aspects of drinking (with some measures showing opposite trends for men and women), getting drunk and becoming dependent on alcohol are both more likely among drinkers of lower SES. Every country in the European Union (EU) has a number of laws and other policies that set alcohol apart from other goods traded in its territory, often for reasons of public health. Despite the ubiquity of alcohol policies, just under half the EU countries still do not have an action plan or coordinating body for alcohol. Even so, most countries have programmes for one aspect of alcohol policy, of which school-based education programmes are the most common throughout Europe. All countries also have some form of drink-driving restrictions, with everywhere except the UK, Ireland and Luxembourg having a maximum blood alcohol limit for drivers at the level recommended by the European Commission (0.5g/L). However, many European drivers believe that there is only a slim chance of being detected a third overall believe they will never be breathalyses, although this is lower in countries with random breath testing. Sales of alcohol are generally subject to restrictions in most EU countries, in a few cases through retail monopolies but more often through licences, while the places that alcohol can be sold are frequently restricted. Over one-third of countries (and some regions) also limit the hours of sale, while restrictions on the days of sale or the density of off-premise retailers exist in a small number of countries. All countries prohibit the sale of alcohol to young people beneath a certain age in bars and pubs, although four countries have no policy on the sale of alcohol to children in shops. The cut-off point for allowing sales to young people also varies across Europe, tending to be 18 years in northern Europe and 16 years in southern Europe. Alcohol marketing is controlled to different degrees depending on the type of marketing activity. Television beer adverts are subject to legal restrictions (beyond content restrictions) in over half of Europe, including complete bans in five countries; this rises to 14 countries for bans on spirits adverts. Billboards and print media are subject to less regulation though, with one in three countries (mainly in the EU10) having no controls. Sports sponsorship is subject to the weakest restrictions, with only seven countries having any legal restrictions at all. The taxation of alcoholic beverages is another consistent feature of European countries, although the rates themselves vary considerably between countries. This can be seen clearly for wine, where nearly half the countries have no tax at all, but one in five countries has a tax rate above â‚ ¬1,000, adjusted for purchasing power. In general, the average effective tax rate is highest in northern Europe, and weakest in southern and parts of central and eastern Europe. Four countries have also introduced a targeted tax on alcopops since 2004, which appears to have reduced alcopops consumption since. When the different policy areas are combined into a single scale, the overall strictness of alcohol policy ranges from 5.5 (Greece) to 17.7 (Norway) out of a possible maximum of 20, with an average of 10.8. The least strict policies are in southern and parts of central and eastern Europe, and the highest in northern Europe – but the scores do not all decrease from north to south, as seen in the high score in France. This picture of alcohol policy is very different from the one visible fifty years ago, with the overall levels of policy now much closer together, largely due to the increased level of policy in many countries, particular in the area of drink-driving where all countries have a legal limit. Marketing controls, minimum ages to buy alcohol, and public policy structures to deliver alcohol policy are also much more common in 2005 than in 1950. Main interest groups in the industry and their leader in lobbying activities Eurocare: Who we are and what we do Eurocare, is an alliance of around 50 voluntary and non-governmental organizations across Europe created in 1990, working on the prevention and reduction of alcohol-related harm2 . One of the main goals is to promote the prevention of alcohol-related harm in European Union decision-making; this is achieved by monitoring all EU level policy initiatives, and carrying out advocacy campaigns directed at the European Commission (EC) and the European Parliament (EP) to ensure that alcohol issues are included in relevant policy discussions. The catalyst of our work in recent years (and the concrete result of fifteen years of lobbying) has been the â€Å"EU Strategy to Support Member States in Reducing Alcohol Related Harm†, published by the Directorate General for Health and Consumer Protection (DG Sanco) of the European Commission in October 20063. A cornerstone of this strategy is the recently launched Alcohol and Health Forum, a multistakeholder platform bringing together the industry and well as NGOs4 pledging to commit to concrete actions to reducing alcohol-related harm. The cross-sectoral nature of alcohol policy includes the Television Without Frontiers Directive (concerned with young people’s exposure to alcohol advertising), Minimum Excise Duties (a report from the EP proposed to scrap these in order to avoid cross border trade and smuggling), and Labeling (the EC is to present a draft Directive on labeling at the end of the year).For Eurocare, lobbying on alcohol presents several difficulties: first the EU has limited competence to legislate in the domain of public health5. DG Sanco’s Alcohol Strategy is thus useful for advocacy in Member States; at EU level, it has allowed alcohol to secure a place on the political agenda, despite being weakened by the influence of the Commission’s more powerful â€Å"big brothers†(DG Trade, DG Market, DG Agriculture, etc.) (Ulstein 2006). Second, at European level, the aim of reducing alcohol-related harm is competing against other strong public health discourses for example in the field of tobacco, nutrition and physical activity, the latter exemplified in the EU Platform for Diet, Physical Activity and Health on which the Alcohol and Health Forum is modeled. Roizen and Fillmore (2000) articulate this from the researchers’ perspective, but it is also true for advocates that â€Å"our consumerist or dangerous-commodity orientation to alcohol (†¦) obliges us to compete in a public-health-information-offering market place already crowded with health warnings of many kinds†. The specificities of alcohol serve to further complicate the picture; parallels with tobacco or junk food are obvious: indisputable public health burdens; links with social inequalities, and of course, powerful industries. What sets alcohol apart though, is the highly problematic, misunderstood and misused evidence on the â€Å"benefits of alcohol consumption†; like it or not, the â€Å"ambiguous molecule†alcohol forms an integral part of most cultures across Europe, â€Å"causing deaths while saving lives, inflicting pain while producing pleasure†The alcohol industry: no ordinary stakeholder The alcohol industry is undeniably a rival voice in the political process of â€Å"weighing up the evidence†; a strong economic asset, with increasingly visible corporate social responsibility policies, the industry represents a valid stakeholder. Alcohol producers unite underâ€Å"legitimate fronts†through social aspects (SA) organisations6, such as the International Centre for Alcohol Policies (ICAP) or the European Forum For Responsible Drinking (EFRD), both of which are participating in the Commission’s Alcohol and Health Forum. Under these banners, research, policy analysis and of course, lobbying are carried out: in fact, it has not been uncommon to find such groups walking the same corridors of power as ourselves. To the layperson, the â€Å"research†and â€Å"policy analysis†(e.g.: ICAP Blue Book) carried out by these organisations may appear methodologically sound, and conclusive, and the (simplistic) models as comprehensive and logical. For example, that â€Å"patterns of drinking are the best way to understand the place of alcohol in society†; that â€Å"targeted interventions are most sensitive to cultural differences†, and that â€Å"partnerships offer the best opportunities to develop policies†. Funnily enough â€Å"Drinking in Context: Patterns, Interventions and Partnerships†, an ICAP collaborative publication (Stimson et al. 2006) was recently publicised at a lunch meeting held in the European Parliament, hosted by German MEP Renate Sommer. Staff from the Eurocare Secretariat attended this lunch; the event was reminiscent of the spirit of the film â€Å"Thank You For Smoking†8; a sequel named â€Å"Thank You For Drinking†should be considered, and would be highly entertaining. This example highlights the tensions involved in the political process, and how apparently sound and legitimate evidence can be put forward by the industry, in order to counter what is regarded by the public health community as â€Å"legitimate†evidence. When the Institute of Alcohol Studies published the Alcohol in Europe report, the British Beer and Pub Association (also participating in the Alcohol and Health Forum) attempted to undermine its scientific objectivity by â€Å"denouncing†vested interests, namely, links to temperance; they likened this to â€Å"vegetarians writing a report about the benefits of eating meat†. The EFRD’s view (in Baumberg Anderson 2007) was that those advocating a stronger EU alcohol strategy â€Å"had a biased view of the evidence base†. It is precisely through the use of â€Å"evidence†and their engagement in research, policy analysis and lobbying (activities mirroring our own work) that the industry tries to secure a place at the policy table, which may be potentially difficult for the public health community to fight off. The WHO (2007) stresses the â€Å"importance of the participation of civil society organisations without the conflict of interests in alcohol policy development, as a counter influence to the vested trade interests, which might otherwise dominate political decision making†.
Saturday, October 26, 2019
Appearance vs. Reality in Shakespeares Hamlet Essay -- Shakespeare Ha
Appearance vs. Reality in Shakespeare's Hamlet In Hamlet deceiving illusions are frequently used to protect truth from being a destructive force. Situations within acts one and two that appear to be true and honest are really contaminated with evil. Various characters within the first two acts hide behind masks of corruption. In the first two acts most characters presented seem to be good and honest making it a complex task for Hamlet to discover all the lies that have hidden objectives within them.      Shakespeare brilliantly depicts appearance verses reality in many ways. The first of many scenes where the truth is twisted is when the new supposed king is addressing Denmark. Claudius makes it seem as if Denmark is fine but in reality they are in a state of disarray:               Young Fortinbras,                Holding a weak supposal of our worth                Or thinking by our late brother’s death                Our state to be disjoint and out of frame,                                    (I, II, 17) Trying to assure the people of Denmark Claudius makes it seem like all is well, however, crimes of fratricide and incest have just been committed in the King’s castle. Shakespeare repeatedly instills this theme in Claudius. Even when Claudius states the obvious he is lying:                You are the most immediate to our throne, And with no less nobility of love Than that which dearest father bears his son Do I impart toward you.                    ...
Thursday, October 24, 2019
A Shopkeeper’s Millennium
While other historians wish to discuss American History in general, Paul E. Johnsons gives focus on one subject alone which he intelligently conveys the message of interconnecting his subject on the general concept of American History. His magnificent book ‘A Shopkeeper’s Millennium’ is a compilation of a 6-years-in-the-making book that entails research about the early nineteenth century rapid transformation in the United States of America and its significance and impact in the long run. As the book claims that Rochester, New York was the first inland boom town in America, it also explains how when and why it calls that way. Having listed those factual evidences to prove the claim, Paul reveals some important accounts from his comprehensive study and statistical analysis. Generally, factors that made such impact to Rochester and to America as a whole are the combinations of three aspects, which are the economic, social, and the political context. The economic support from Rochester to the larger America is primarily due to the construction, opening and flourishing of the transportation of Erie Canal in 1820’s to 1830’s. This transportation system solely caters the flour business of the east, which helped feeding other states. Since the opening of the Erie Canal took place, other frontier cities look up Rochester, New York as the role model for every city and likewise emulate the same ideas for their own prosperity. The upheaval between the North and the South of US during that time does neither strengthen not prolong by the usage of this canal. Furthermore, it helps to initially establish as the bridge of the breach that is going on. Another illustration of economic appreciation favoring Rochester is the growing of local grain milling and manufacturing of agricultural products in this town. Detailed description on how well the farmers and women revolutionize their best potentials from being the second class dollar earners to successful businessmen and businesswomen using only their homes and own backyards as their factories. True that there are enough resources to each and every situation but only few can wisely grab these exposed opportunities and use its maximum potential. These rags to riches story of US also entail stories of unsung heroes of American culture and history. The period of early nineteenth century covers many transitions in US. One of these is its politics. This is the time where the Whigs formed the new political party and called as The Republican. Paul E. Johnson also tackles this issue and discusses where and why Whigs drew support from churches and Democrats from the working class groups, which urged people decide supporting such political party that has a promise beneficial to them in accordance to their interest. Since industrialization takes place in Rochester, the emerging capitalism is likewise created by the society. The government as a reaction needs to amend laws and provisions according to the existing norm in Rochester and in New York. The emergence of industrialization in Rochester, New York particularly in the frontier vicinity of Erie Canal causes distinction of societies. Although it is generally viewed as paternalism and the role of women is vaguely illustrated, participation of both groups develops disparity of roles and principles. Moreover, working class’ group which are usually men build up indifferences with the free moral agency set by mothers and women that are belong to the middle and upper class group. Religious aspect is likewise expanded in Rochester. What could be the role of politics, social, and economic factors in the booming town of Rochester then? How these factors caused changes to Rochester? The only political impact that cause changes to Rochester is that Whigs are supported by the majority of its residents and capitalists, and thus won the elections. The population of Rochester, New York is comprised of mostly working class men that are commonly found drank after working hours, and the morally principled middle and upper class women. Their impact is set as equally important in the booming of this inland town because of their balanced contribution in the society and industry. Lastly, Paul E. Johnsons provide us the essence of Rochester, New York in the history of America by supplying us the thought that the most influential factor, which gave immense impact to Industrial Revolution as a whole, is the economic factor that is set first in the area of Rochester. This is due to the fact that the economy of Rochester where inland transportation scheme in Erie Canal, commercialization thru agriculture, and career shift to every home is done in Rochester during the period of revival or the so-called Second Great Awakening in US.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019
Electronic Commerce and Mary Kay Essay
Founded in 1962, Mary Kay (marykay. com) has about 1. 8 million consultants selling its cosmetics and fragrances in 34 countries. In 2008, the company had about $2. 4 billion in wholesale sales. As a company that has based its reputation on personal contacts through door-to-door visits and home gatherings, one might think that Mary Kay would not benefit from EC. Actually, the opposite is true. Currently, more than 95 percent of Mary Kay’s independent salespeople place orders via the Internet. The Problem The cosmetics market is very competitive, but it is growing rapidly, especially in developing countries. Mary Kay is trying to capitalize on this trend. The Mary Kay business model enables rapid growth into new markets. By the early 2000s, consultants found that more and more customers wanted to shop online. With a long and global supply chain and the need to manage almost 2 million consultants, it was clear that automation was needed, but Mary Kay’s existing computer system was old and lacked Web or e-commerce applications. Therefore, a major overhaul of the information systems was needed. Finally, it became clear that the emergence of social computing might provide a golden opportunity for Internet marketing by the company. The Solution Mary Kay’s IT department is now split into three divisions: e-commerce, supply chain, and back-office support. Because of pressure from the consultants, the restructuring focused on e-commerce. The company’s goals and objectives were set based on industry best practices. Goals and objectives determine what, how, and when the company is operated, and these also apply to EC initiatives. Mary Kay’s EC solution included the creation of an electronic service desk that supports consultants in 30 countries in a standardized way. Mary Kay also introduced a global electronic ordering system, called Atlas, that allows the consultants to communicate with company warehouses. An intelligent data repository that dynamically maintains a logical model of the EC environment can be accessed by Mary Kay IT staff. Mary Kay and its consultants are also making extensive use of social computing. The following are some representative examples of how Mary Kay uses social computing: The company posts job opening announcements on several sites, including MySpace Jobs ( classifieds. myspace. com/job). Movies and videotapes are available on YouTube (youtube. com) and on movies. go. com. Several blogs are available, both for and against the company (e. g. , marykayandrews. com/blog). Auctions and fixed-price items are available for sale on eBay. Mary Kay provides a consultant locator on the Internet. All of these developments are supported by an extensive hardware and software infrastructure, including a wireless remote management system at the 760,000 square-foot corporate headquarters, an extensive wide area network (WAN, see Chapter 8), and a large data center. Some of the EC systems are used enterprise wide (e. g. , service desk, ticketing system for consultants attending events, and service requests made by consultants). Others are functional (e. g. , accounting, finance, marketing, and inventory control). The company uses an intranet for internal communications as well as dozens of other EC applications. In addition to providing better support to consultants, the EC initiatives produced other benefits, such as greater efficiency, reduced costs and downtime, and improved service. In terms of human resources, it enabled the company to handle its rapid growth without a substantial increase in staffing. The changes also have allowed EC personnel to focus on strategic tasks. Mary Kay found that its engineers and technical people now have time to spend on new innovations. References: Bowman, Mary Kay, et al. â€Å"Intelligent and firm currency conversion.†U.S. Patent No. 7,747,475. 29 Jun. 2010. Meuter, Matthew L., et al. â€Å"The influence of technology anxiety on consumer use and experiences with self-service technologies.†Journal of Business Research 56.11 (2003): 899-906. Dholakia, Ruby Roy, and Nikhilesh Dholakia. â€Å"Mobility and markets: emerging outlines of m-commerce.†Journal of Business research 57.12 (2004): 1391-1396. Kay, Jeffrey, et al. â€Å"Information objects system, method, and computer program organization.†U.S. Patent No. 6,473,893. 29 Oct. 2002. Finn, Mary Kay, Karen Lahey, and David Redle. â€Å"Policies Underlying Congressional Approval of Criminal and Civil Immunity for Interactive Computer Service Providers Under Provisions of the Communications Decency Act of 1996-Should E-Buyers Beware.†U. Tol. L. Rev. 31 (1999): 347.
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